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Circumstances such as pandemics can cause individuals to fall into a state of need, so they turn to donation services for assistance. However, donation services can be designed based on supply-side considerations, e.g. efficiency or inventory control, which restrict consumer choice without necessarily considering how consumer vulnerabilities like low financial or interpersonal power might cause them to react to such restrictions. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to examine service designs that limit the choices consumers are given in terms of either the allowable quantity or assortment variety and examine effects on consumer perceptions of justice and satisfaction.

Three experiments are reported, including one manipulating the service design of an actual food pantry.

When consumers have low financial or interpersonal power, meaning their initial state of control is low, and they encounter a donation service that provides limited (vs. expanded) choice that drops control even lower, they perceive the situation as unjust and report lower satisfaction.

Donation service providers should strive to design services that allow for expanded consumer choice and use interpersonal processes that empower beneficiaries so they perceive the service experience as just and satisfying. Collecting feedback from beneficiaries is also recommended.

While researchers have started to look at the service experiences of vulnerable populations, they have focused primarily on financial service designs. The authors look at donation service designs and identify problems with supply-side limits to choice quantity and assortment.

The NEA began its ascent as a political force slowly. In the early 1960s, NEA leaders had rejected efforts to create a political role for the Association. In fact, in 1960, NEA leaders – sensitive to members’ desire for an organization focused on professionalism – summarily rejected a suggestion to adopt a theme of “Every Teacher a Politician” (Berube, 1988).

The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of causal relations between banking sector maturity, stock market maturity, and four aspects of performance and operation of the economy: economic growth, inflation, openness in trade, and the degree of government involvement in the economy.

The authors look for possible links between the variables by conducting panel cointegration and causality tests, using a large sample of Asian countries over the period 1960-2011. Novel panel data estimation methods allow for robust estimates, using both variation between countries and variation over time.

The study identifies interesting causal links among the variables deriving uniquely from our innovations. In particular, The paper finds that for all regions considered, banking sector maturity and stock market maturity are causally linked, sometimes in both directions. Furthermore, stock market maturity may lead to economic growth, both directly and indirectly through indicators such as inflation and trade openness. The findings also support the notion that economic growth affects the maturity of the stock market in most regions.

The results lend support to the notion that a mature financial sector is a key contributor to generating economic growth. Furthermore, economic growth itself has the potential to bring about maturity in the financial sector.

The paper uses sophisticated principal-component analysis, panel cointegration, and Granger causality tests, methods not used in this literature before. The method was applied to recent data pertaining to 35 Asian countries – a group of countries that has previously not been adopted in this literature.

The NEA did not begin as a teachers’ organization, as such. Rather, the organization began in 1870 as a federation of four organizations representing distinctly different perspectives: the American Normal School Association, the National Association of School Superintendents, the Central College Association, and the National Teachers Association (Elsbree, 1939, pp. 264–265, 500). Only the last of these groups, the NTA, formed in 1857 from 10 state teachers’ associations, actually represented teachers, and for roughly the first 100 years of its existence, the NEA was controlled by administrators rather than teachers, frequently worked against teachers’ interests (especially when they conflicted with administrative or supervisory priorities), and opposed collective bargaining. Although the NEA lobbied fairly effectively on the state level on issues such as increasing expenditures on education, consolidating and professionalizing administration of school districts, and establishing certification and standards for teachers, its unwillingness or inability to support candidates for federal elections made it relatively less successful on the national level.

During the NEA’s early years, the higher education community formed the core of the organization’s leadership, and higher education issues in turn represented a key area of NEA policymaking. The late 19th and early 20th century Association was fundamentally a professional group with a large teacher membership but little teacher representation in its leadership. In fact, it was only after the first 100 years of the NEA’s existence that the organization made an effective transition toward becoming a labor union, led by teachers and faculty members and focusing its primary energies on collective bargaining – first in the K-12 arena and soon after in higher education. Most recently, the NEA has sought to synthesize the two roles – that of professional association and union.

School libraries in the United States have existed since the founding of private schools and academies in New England, such as Phillips-Andover and Phillips-Exeter in the late 18th century. The development of public secondary school libraries, however, did not occur until early in the 20th century. While New England's academies were national leaders in secondary school education, New England's public schools lagged behind their counterparts in the Central region of the United States in the development of school libraries. The first national standards for secondary school libraries was adopted by and published by the National Education Association (NEA) in 1918 from a study and report by the Committee on Library Organization and Equipment (CLOE), chaired by Charles C. Certain. The 1918 standards were entitled, “Standard Library Organization and Equipment for Secondary Schools of Different Size.” (NEA, 1918) This was the first attempt to quantify high school library facilities by identifying standards for a good high school library. In 1920, the American Library Association (ALA) endorsed and published these standards, which have become known as the “Certain Standards,” in honor of the committee chair. The “Certain Standards” addressed the need for high school libraries to become an integral part of the school by setting goals, planning, and establishing quantified collections, seating, and equipment. These standards also called for creating a library classroom and for hiring a qualified librarian (with 1 year of postgraduate study and one year of internship) (NEA, 1918; ALA, 1920). Most importantly, this document identified the role of the librarian as a professional who was not expected to do clerical work, but who “… should have the ability to work for and with teachers” (NEA, 1918; ALA, 1920, p. 12). Therefore, the standards movement began as an effort to quantify library facilities and to provide qualified librarians in secondary schools which became the focus for improving school libraries throughout the 20th century (Roscello, 2004).

Evaluating the political influence of a teachers’ union is, necessarily, a somewhat subjective task. It appears to me that the teacher unions’ power, as measured by their membership strength, has remained healthy and in fact increased slightly since 1988. The most recent public figures for the NEA and the AFT indicate that the two organizations are collectively nearing four million members – counting the NEA’s membership of 2.7 million and the AFT’s just over one million (Newman, 2000). As a measure of the unions’ ability to mobilize teachers, however, those numbers may overstate the case for power. In the AFT, approximately half of its membership now comes from teacher aides and other non-teaching personnel such as school bus drivers (Keller, 2002). Even so, the number of teachers who are members of the NEA and AFT is considerable, and any explanation of a diminished political influence on the part of those unions must deal with the issue of their large memberships.

Short-sea shipping (SSS) plays an important role in regional transportation networks by supporting regional trade and improving inter-modality. In particular, countries in north-east Asia, such as China, South Korea and Japan have been served well by local SSS services. While SSS markets in Northeast Asia (NEA) have been developed by bilateral routes with sub-markets, the market structure of each sub-markets varies depending on concentration and competition levels as well as government intervention. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the market structure of SSS markets in the Northeast Asia.

Herfindahl–Hirschman Index (HHI) and concentration ratio are adopted to measure the market concentration from 2013 to 2017 for SSS markets in NEA. Additionally, the balance between supply and demand is investigated by measuring the capacity utilisation factor (CUF) based on slot capacity.

The market structure in the NEA SSS markets is influenced by firms’ behaviour under different levels of governmental intervention. Shipping firms in a market with more governmental intervention in market entry tend to focus on balancing supply and demand rather than increasing market share, whereas firms in a market with less intervention (and more competition) tend to increase their market share by pursuing efficient capacity management.

The period of data set is limited to 2013–2017. Furthermore, prices or revenue for specific routes are not available.

This paper sheds light on the market structure and behaviour of players in SSS market. In addition, the work has value to measure capacity utilisation based on slot capacity.

More reverberant today than ever, given the current legal and political climate, artist David Wojnarowicz's victorious lawsuit in 1990 against evangelist Donald Wildmon's American Family Association tangled with still relevant contexts: plight of the NEA, disastrous AIDS pandemic, and continuous church/state involvement in public debate over social values, including individual rights to sexual representation and artistic expression. Yet strangely, the artist remains largely absent from both “culture wars” narratives and the general record. Increasing his visibility and arguing his significance, this essay re-inserts Wojnarowicz into history, his work profoundly challenging what he called “the illusion of the ONE TRIBE NATION.”

This chapter focuses on South Korea’s newly found regional leadership, as the emergent middle power of East Asia, in order to advance regional integration and institution-building. Policy leadership is observed and analyzed from an international lens, linked to the literature of middle powers. The chapter first conceptualizes middle powers in connection with the issue of international leadership, since such states often play important roles in promoting cooperation. The chapter looks especially into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior toward East Asian regional processes and how it has manifested innovative and capable leadership. More specifically, the last three presidencies of Kim Dae-jung (1998–2002), Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008), and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) are scrutinized in the hope of underscoring how their particular administrations, political leadership, and strategic approaches to foreign policy toward the region influenced South Korea’s regional leadership attempts and middle power status.