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Socio-economic shocks have been the sources of burden to smallholder farmers, and the recent COVID-19 pandemics, can be termed a shock that could lead to distortions in the operations of the commodity value chain. The study, therefore, examined the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on income and access to economic input such as labour, seeds, fertilisers, herbicides, before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study was carried out in Kano State, Nigeria. Multi-stage sampling technique was employed in the selection of 260 respondents comprising producers (115), marketers (60), processors (46) and transporters (29). Primary data were collected from stakeholders in tomato value chain through the use of a structured questionnaire. Data collected were analysed using descriptive statistics. Findings revealed that tomato value chain in Kano State, Nigeria, is male-dominated. The average age of stakeholders ranged between 43 years (transporters) and 51 years (processors). Results further revealed a significant relationship in income of marketers' pre- and during COVID-19 pandemic. However, non-significant relationship was observed in the income of producers, processors and transporters prior and during COVID-19 pandemic. There was also no significant difference in the economic value of seeds, manure and fertiliser before and during COVID-19 pandemic. The most important constraints to the producers were the high cost of farm chemical procured while the marketers were confronted with high cost of transportation. The processors were faced with high processing cost and transporters experienced request for undue levies by market authorities. The study recommends that mechanism be devised to improve availability of inputs to producers and dissemination of adequate market information to stakeholders in the tomato value chain regularly to improve contribution of the commodity to food security and economic development.

This study aims to contribute to the emerging discourse on elite financial crime, with particular attention devoted to the role played by the legislature in corrupt practices in Nigeria. Separations of power, watchdog role of legislature and ideologies have become a major influence in democratic system. Legislative power has developed as a means of providing oversight functions over the executives, thereby inhibiting fraudulent practices in governments.

The paper argues that the political institutional structures embedded with monopoly, discretion and little or no accountability facilitate financial corrupt practices within the legislature. The paper uses publicly available evidence to show that the legislators in developing countries are actively engaged in corrupt practices.

The evidence provided in this paper shows that separation of power and representative democracy had not brought about transparency and accountability in government activities in Nigeria. Legislature often trade-off their constitutional power and their claim of service to the public interest by engaging in financial criminal practices.

This paper does not set out to provide a comprehensive analysis of political corruption. Instead, it considers the “dark” side of legislative practice by examining the involvement of legislature in facilitating corrupt financial practices in Nigeria.

The inability of the regulators to effectively sanction legislators implicated in corrupt practices suggests that the current institutional and regulatory apparatus are not fully equipped in dealing with the financial criminal activities of legislators.

Despite the arrest and prosecution of some legislators, a number of cases are swept under the carpet. Therefore, this paper suggests that Nigeria need to reform its political system and institutions to promote transparency and accountability in government and to build trust in the legislative process.

This paper considers the “dark” side of legislative practice by examining the involvement of legislature in facilitating corrupt financial practices in Nigeria.