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In the decades following Chile's 1990 return to democracy, successive governments adopted pioneering reforms aimed at modernizing the state and strengthening democratic governance. This chapter discusses the major developments within Chile's public sector since 1990, with an emphasis on reforms affecting the civil service and public sector management. The politics of the reform process was notable for successful consensus building and led to a more meritocratic, professionally managed public employment system. This chapter also provides an overview of initiatives to strengthen accountability through greater transparency and citizen participation in government, as well as the major public sector management reforms adopted during the last three decades.

Departing from a so-called “modern civil service” as an ideal type, this chapter evaluates the status of public personnel management in Latin America. Such an ideal model is considered a mix between the organizational principles of the traditional civil service and those of the new public management perspective. First, the chapter presents the different phases that public management practices have undergone in some developed countries. Secondly, following several studies and data provided by the IADB, the level of development of several civil service systems in Latin America is analyzed and several of their construction–destruction–reconstruction patterns are presented. Lastly, the cases that most approach a modern civil service are discussed and some recommendations offered to reformers in this region.

This paper aims to present changes in customer brand commitment and its components in relation to the cellular and financial markets using three sets of data that were collected before, during and after the social protests of the Summer of 2011 in Israel.

The four data sets for this study were collected from an internet panel and represent the Hebrew-speaking segment of Israel’s population. The current study examines two markets; cellular provider companies and financial service companies. The surveys were carried out at different points in time which extended from April 2011 to March 2012. The first two surveys were carried out in March 2011 and May 2011, before the outbreak of the protests the Summer of 2011. A third survey was conducted in August 2011 during the protest. The last and the fourth survey was conducted in March 2012 after the wave of protests had died down.

The current research shows that as a result of the social protest movement, consumers have changed. They perceive brands as not being as good (perceived performance) as they were before the protest; they are less satisfied with the brands they used previously; and they are less loyal and committed to them.

The findings of this study signify a major change in marketing and in basic aspects of consumer behavior. Brands have become less important than before the protest. Testing two markets, cellular and financial, this research suggests that the social protest movement reduced the attachment of consumers to brands they most often bought.

No study has tested the impact over time of the social protest on several consumer behavior variables, including brand loyalty, brand involvement, satisfaction, consumer perceptions of their brands’ performance and brand commitment.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between social media use and protest participation in Latin America. It advances two questions. First, does social media increase the chances of protest participation at the individual level, as prior research shows for advanced democracies? Second, in a region with glaring economic and political inequalities, does social media deepen or reduce the gaps in protest participation that exist among men and women, the young and the old, different social classes, or people with varying levels of political engagement?

The paper uses cross-sectional Latin American Public Opinion Project survey data from 2012 representing the adult population of 17 Latin American countries. It presents binary logistic regression models with protest participation as the dependent variable, social media use for political purposes as the main independent variable, control variables, and interactions.

Using social media for political purposes significantly increases protest chances – it is the second strongest predictor. Additionally, social media reduces protest gaps associated with individuals’ age, gender, psychological engagement with politics, and recruitment networks.

First, the paper shows that the contribution of social media to collective protest travels beyond advanced democracies – it also holds for more unequal regions with weaker democratic trajectories like Latin America. Second, it shows that social media may mitigate participatory inequalities not only, as shown by past research, regarding institutional participation (e.g. voting), but also regarding contentious tactics.

This paper seeks to focus on the reflections of therapists who were working professionally in Chile during the time of human right violations in an attempt to inform and to develop ways of working professionally in similar circumstances around the world.

The paper draws on the experiences of therapists who were working in Chile at the time and extrapolates from these experiences to provide suggestions and guidance for other therapists who find themselves in similar circumstances.

After Dr Salvador Allende was overthrown, Chile was governed by a military dictatorship that engaged in massive human rights violations. From the reflections of therapists 30 years later, this paper summarizes some of the psychological consequences of the traumas that therapists faced when dealing with clients who were directly affected by the same trauma. This included feelings of terror following state treachery, amnesia, fear of political resistance and guilt.

Therapists in these countries are encouraged to seek the protection of international organizations who deal with human rights violations, work in professional groups rather than isolation, and when challenging human rights violations by conducting therapy, to work similarly to a resistance movement.

Therapists in countries where there is no repression should form professional alliances with their colleagues in these repressive countries to help protect them and provide support for their ongoing work.

This paper highlights the extreme danger that ensues for therapists who simply continue with their work during state sanctioned repression, and how this may be perceived as political statements against the repressive regime. Ways of dealing with this professionally are discussed.

At my retirement luncheon (July 2004), a colleague described the effect of my photography in a way that has special resonance for a discussion of campus diversity. I had recently installed three photo composites in UCLA's Ashe Student Health Center. These are collections of about 50 photographs each, presented in the form of the I Ching hexagrams for creativity, inner truthfulness, and community. Ronni Sanlo, director of UCLA's Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) Campus Resource Center, said that at a meeting of the Queer Alliance, students talked about seeing my new work in the Ashe Center. With my photos in place, they now feel welcome there. This response explains why the campus environment needs steady attention, so that the people of a college or university can recognize it as their own. Ronni's next words emphasize this need. Pointing to the bare walls of the residential commons building where we were having lunch, she said, “Look at these walls. Who's welcome here?”

The marketing of neoliberalism in Chile has been premised on a sanitized view of history, erasure of collective memory, and erroneous claims of reason. This article examines neo-liberalism in Chile from the perspective of La Victoria, a working-class Santiago población, with a rich history of activism. The author shows how residents have been impacted by both economic policies and state violence, and how they have contested dominant ideology, neoliberal practices, and their problematic perspectives on time, memory, and reason. Victorianos reject collective amnesia and bring a moral imperative grounded in social justice to bear in constructing an alternative common sense.